An authentic democracy cannot be psychopathic because most people are not psychopaths.
Most people would not vote to kill, wound and displace hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians for power, profit or territorial gain. Most people do not accept the great lie of âpragmatismâ: that âthe anarchical societyâ of international relations mandates psychopathic violence: If âweâ donât behave as psychopaths, somebody else will.
Most people donât believe the world can be divided between Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahuâs âchildren of lightâ and âchildren of darknessâ. You donât need to be a mystic to know that love, kindness, compassion â âlightâ â arise naturally in all human beings allowed to live in freedom and peace.
We know from our own experience that we are wonderfully happy when overflowing with love and desperately miserable when overflowing with hate. We know, therefore, that love is suited to human nature and well-being in a way that hatred is certainly not. We know that when hate arises in large numbers of people it is born of suffering, not of some âevilâ disposition. We know that the real answer to hate is not violence but justice that alleviates suffering and hate.
Because we are not psychopathic, it is deeply important for us to believe that we are not living in a psychopathic society. When this human need clashes with political reality, examples of cognitive dissonance abound â psychopathic circles have to be squared, 2 + 2 must make 5. This is the task of the propaganda system comprised of the ârespectableâ political, media and religious institutions of our society.
In an interview with Channel 4 News, the Most Reverend and Right Honourable Justin Welby, the Archbishop of Canterbury, supplied a particularly stark example. Welby began by affecting a transcendent spiritual impartiality, as one might expect:
âIâm not pointing fingersâ, he said.
Alas, Welby came back to earth with a bump:
âI do point fingers at Hamas and say this is terrorism at its most extreme and most evil.
Okay, but then was he also pointing fingers at the Israeli government raining hellfire on Gaza? Welby fell silent, hesitated:
Itâs not⊠You can do the⊠You can say something which in different circumstances might be useful at a time that just makes everything worse⊠Letâs not run to judgement and blame straight away.
The archbishopâs power-friendly ethical dissonance becomes even clearer when we recall that, last December, Welby told the BBC that âjustice demands that there is defeatâ of âan evil invasionâ in Ukraine. It was right, he said, for the West to send billions of dollars of weaponry to support a âvictim nationâ that is âbeing overrun by aggressionâ. After all, the international community had a âduty of careâ to protect weaker nations.
Welbyâs failure to condemn any âevilâ committed by Israel came long after it had become clear that Israel had been criminally targeting Gazaâs civilian population with collective punishment cutting off water, food and electricity. And, of course, by razing whole apartment blocks, indeed whole residential areas, to the ground.
From satellite imagery, The Economist estimated (30 October) that âover a tenth of Gazaâs housing stock has been destroyed, leaving more than 280,000 people without homes to which they can returnâ. The magazine noted:
Even Russia, during its siege of Mariupol in Ukraine between February and May 2022, negotiated humanitarian pauses in which some civilians were permitted to leave. Israel has thus far rejected calls, by the European Union and others, for such pauses.
More recently, the health ministry of the Palestinian Authority has estimated that more than 50% of Gazaâs housing units have been destroyed, nearly 70% of its population has been displaced, 16 out of 35 hospitals that can take in-patients have stopped functioning, 42 UN Relief Agency buildings have been damaged, along with at least seven churches and 55 mosques. According to the World Health Organisation, there have been more than 100 strikes on health facilities. Since 7 October, more than 200 schools have been damaged in Gaza â around 40% of the total number â about forty of them very seriously, according to UNICEF data.
By any standards, this is an awesome level of destruction. In its first 563 days, Russiaâs war on Ukraine killed 9,614 Ukrainian civilians, 554 of them children. In its first 25 days, Israelâs war on Gaza killed 8,796 Palestinian civilians, 3,648 of them children. Since the 7 October attacks by Hamas, at least 1,400 Israelis have been killed, including 1,033 civilians and 31 children.
The UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres puts the immensity of Israelâs violence in perspective:
Gaza is becoming a graveyard for children. Hundreds of girls and boys are reportedly being killed or injured every day. More journalists are reportedly being killed over a four-week period than in any conflict in at least three decades. More United Nations aid workers have been killed than in any comparable period in the history of our organisation.
On 28 October, Craig Mokhiber, one of the worldâs leading international lawyers, director of the UNâs New York Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, resigned to protest the organisationâs handling of what he called a âtextbook case of genocide.â In his resignation letter, Mokhiber wrote:
As a human rights lawyer with more than three decades of experience in the field, I know well that the concept of genocide has often been subject to political abuse. But the current wholesale slaughter of the Palestinian people, rooted in an ethno-nationalist settler colonial ideology, in continuation of decades of their systematic persecution and purging, based entirely upon their status as Arabs, and coupled with explicit statements of intent by leaders in the Israeli government and military, leaves no room for doubt or debate. In Gaza, civilian homes, schools, churches, mosques, and medical institutions are wantonly attacked as thousands of civilians are massacred. In the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, homes are seized and reassigned based entirely on race, and violent settler pogroms are accompanied by Israeli military units.
Across the land, Apartheid rules.
This is a text-book case of genocide. The European, ethno-nationalist, settler colonial project in Palestine has entered its final phase, toward the expedited destruction of the last remnants of indigenous Palestinian life in Palestine. Whatâs more, the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, and much of Europe, are wholly complicit in the horrific assault. Not only are these governments refusing to meet their treaty obligations âto ensure respectâ for the Geneva Conventions, but they are in fact actively arming the assault, providing economic and intelligence support, and giving political and diplomatic cover for Israelâs atrocities.
In an interview with Al Jazeera English, Mokhiber made a further key point:
Usually, the most difficult part in proving genocide is intent, because there has to be an intention to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular group. In this case, the intent by Israelâs leaders has been so explicitly stated, and publicly stated, by the prime minister, by the president, by senior cabinet ministers, by military leaders, that that is an easy case to make. Itâs on the public record.
Our ProQuest media database search for âCraig Mokhiberâ and âGazaâ delivered four mentions, all in the Guardian. One of these was a smear, another was a single-sentence mention in passing buried in a news piece, a third substantial piece of 667 words, and an additional mention yesterday buried in the penultimate paragraph of an opinion piece. There were no mentions found in any other newspaper and there are none on the BBC website.
On Channel 4 News, Matt Frei asked Welby:
What do you say to those demonstrators on the streets of London who are saying this is Israeli genocide against the Palestinians?
Welbyâs sage reply:
I say youâve no understanding of what youâre saying.
When asked if Israel was acting within international law, Labourâs chivalrous knight, Sir Keir Starmer, said:
As to whether each and every act is in accordance with the law, well that will have to be adjudicated in due course. Um, I think itâs unwise for politicians to stand on stages like this, or to sit in television studios, and pronounce day by day which acts may or may not be in accordance with international law.
I think itâs not the role of politicians. I donât think itâs wise to do it. I come with the benefit of a lawyer of having litigated about issues like this in the past. And in my experience, itâd often take weeks or months to assimilate the evidence and to then work out whether there may or may not have been a breach of international law.
So, I think the call for politicians to look at half a picture on the screen without the full information and form an instant judgement as to whether itâs this side of the line or the other side of the line is extremely unwise. Iâm not going to get involved with that kind of exercise.
If this sounds like an in-depth, heartfelt response, last year, Starmer was asked:
Is Vladimir Putin a war criminal?
Starmerâs reply:
Yes.
On 8 February, Starmer told the House of Commons:
Before I entered this House, I had responsibility for fighting for justice in the Hague for victims of Serbian aggression. Does the Prime Minister agree with me that when the war in Ukraine is over, Putin and all his cronies must stand at the Hague and face justice?
Again, completely contradicting everything he is now saying, Starmer said on 7 March:
Vladimir Putin and his criminal cronies must be held to account for their illegal invasion of Ukraine. The UK government must do all it can to ensure the creation of a special tribunal to investigate the crime of aggression.
The Ukrainian people deserve justice as well as our continued military, economic, diplomatic, and humanitarian assistance.
Notice, Starmer was not calling for a âno-fly zoneâ or a ceasefire â completely unthinkable in relation to Gaza â he was endorsing continued intervention in the form of massive military support for the Ukrainian war effort.
On 17 March, Starmer said:
I welcome the International Criminal Courtâs decision to open war crime cases against Vladimir Putin and other senior Russian figures for their barbaric actions in Ukraine.â
There is nothing random, or naĂŻve, about Labourâs hypocrisy and servility to power. Declassified UK reports:
Some 13 of the 31 members of Labourâs shadow cabinet have received donations from a prominent pro-Israel lobby group or individual funder, it can be revealed.
The list of recipients includes party leader Keir Starmer, his deputy Angela Rayner, shadow foreign secretary David Lammy, and even the former vice-chair of Labour Friends of Palestine, Lisa Nandy, who is now shadow international development minister.
Britainâs veteran warmongers have been queuing up to persuade the public of the rightness of Starmerâs complicity in genocide. Arch-Blairite former Labour MP Peter Mandelson said:
As for Keir Starmer, I would just say this â I think what heâs doing is demonstrating to the British people the sort of toughness and mettle that he would display, if he were to become prime minister of this country. He has been very tough, very realisticâŠ
In a separate interview, as if reading from the same script, former Tory MP and Thatcherite Michael Portillo opined:
Iâm amongst those who think that Keir Starmer has done exactly the right thing and has shown a great deal of mettle, which I think will be quite widely admired. And thatâs important, I think, for a domestic audience that wonders whether heâs up to being prime minister.
Dissidents are viewed and treated quite differently. Responding to home secretary Suella Bravermanâs suggestion on X (formerly Twitter) that, âIt is entirely unacceptable to desecrate Armistice Day with a hate march through Londonâ, BBC sports commentator Gary Lineker posted:
Marching and calling for a ceasefire and peace so that more innocent children donât get killed is not really the definition of a hate march.
Nile Gardiner, a foreign policy analyst, former aide to Margaret Thatcher and contributor to the Telegraph, responded:
Gary Linekerâs knowledge of foreign and national security policy is practically zero. His vast narcissism and ego as a BBC football pundit is matched only by his sheer ignorance.
In reality, of course, narcissism would mean Lineker keeping his head down, banking his huge salary, avoiding the inevitable torrent of abuse, and thus keeping his reputation safe and sound, like so many people do.
The Westâs Vanishing âResponsibility To Protectâ
It is quite astonishing to reflect that, in 2011, NATO deployed 260 aircraft and 21 ships, launching 26,500 sorties destroying âover 5,900 military targets including over 400 artillery or rocket launchers and over 600 tanks or armored vehiclesâ in response, not to the mass murder of civilians, but to a merely alleged threat of mass murder posed by Libyaâs Muammar Gaddafi.
Not that there had been a call for a humanitarian âpauseâ, or a ceasefire, or the introduction of UN peacekeepers â the widespread demand was for massive military intervention. In reality, the NATO âno-fly zoneâ that instantly became a bombing campaign obliterating Gaddafiâs army was based on a lie. A 9 September 2016 report into the war from the foreign affairs committee of the House of Commons commented:
Despite his rhetoric, the proposition that Muammar Gaddafi would have ordered the massacre of civilians in Benghazi was not supported by the available evidence⊠Muammar Gaddafiâs 40-year record of appalling human rights abuses did not include large-scale attacks on Libyan civilians.
In February 2011, The Times insisted that âthere is incontrovertible evidenceâ that demonstrators in Benghazi âare being blown apart by mortar fireâ. Even if accurate, this would have been a pin prick compared to Israeli actions now. This was the response to the Libyan government proposed by The Times:
British officials and private citizens must do all they can to cajole, pressure and exhort it out of power.â (Leading article, âIn bombing its own civilians, Libya stands exposed as an outlaw regime,â The Times, 23 February 2011.)
By contrast, on 25 October, The Times praised Starmerâs âinitially assured response to the outbreak of violence that followed Hamasâs terror attacks on Israel on October 7â, which âcorrectly emphasised his partyâs unconditional support for the Jewish stateâs right to self-defenceâ.
This was a reference to Starmerâs appalling declaration that Israel âdoes have that rightâ to inflict collective punishment on Palestinian civilians by cutting off water, food and electricity.
On 22 March 2011, with NATO bombing of Libya underway, the Guardianâs Jonathan Freedland published a piece titled, âThough the risks are very real, the case for intervention remains strongâ. He meant military intervention, of course â war â insisting that âin a global, interdependent world we have a âresponsibility to protectâ each otherâ. Freedland now warns against such âbinary thinkingâ, as he balks even at the idea of a ceasefire:
It seems such a simple, obvious remedy. Until you stop to wonder how exactly, if it is not defeated, Hamas is to be prevented from regrouping and preparing for yet another attack on the teenagers, festivalgoers and kibbutz families of southern Israel.
Freedlandâs article was titled: âThe tragedy of the Israel-Palestine conflict is this: underneath all the horror is a clash of two just causesâ. In Manufacturing Consent, Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky commented on their analysis of media treatment of victims deemed âworthyâ and âunworthyâ by the West:
While the coverage of the worthy victim was generous with gory details and quoted expressions of outrage and demands for justice, the coverage of the unworthy victims was low-keyed, designed to keep the lid on emotions and evoking regretful and philosophical generalities on the omnipresence of violence and the inherent tragedy of human life.â (Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent, Pantheon Books, 1988, p. 39.)
The Guardianâs Polly Toynbee also rejected calls for a ceasefire, obfuscating with a tangled web of Welby-style verbiage:
That word âceasefireâ has become a symbol and a semantic roadblock, as events rush on and words get left behind. âCeasefireâ has become an ideology rather than a practicality.
When it comes to Gaza in November 2023, the famous âresponsibility to protectâ has vanished from thinkable thought. Today, even the responsibility to protest is under legal threat. As for the British governmentâs response, Peter Oborne describes the shocking truth:
Meanwhile, not one government minister, as far as I can see, has condemned the indiscriminate slaughter of civilians in Gaza, or uttered a word of condemnation of the wave of settler attacks including displacement of Palestinian communities â war crimes â across the West Bank. Nor the genocidal language used by too many Israeli leaders.
In describing the conflict, the BBC is content to use the pro-Israel propaganda construct âIsrael-Hamas Warâ.
Israelâs murderous bombardment of Gaza was described by the BBCâs Jeremy Bowen as Israel âstill pushing forwardâ. Bowen noted: âPalestinians call this genocideâ.
It is not just the Palestinians though, as Bowen well knows.
Source: Dissidentvoice.org