As of Oct 31, more than 8,000 people in Gaza have been slaughtered by Israeli bombs, including over 3,000 children. TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez joins The Marc Steiner Show for a discussion on Marcâs long journey over 50 years as an advocate for peace between Israelis and Palestinians, and whatâs needed now to stop the killing.
Studio Production: Adam Coley, David Hebden
Post-Production: David Hebden
Transcript
The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.
Marc Steiner:
Welcome to The Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. Iâm Marc Steiner, and itâs great to have you all with us.
The war between Israel and Palestinians, as my head and heart churning all the time, every day, every night, as of this broadcast, 3,257 children have been killed. And thatâs not according to Gazans, thatâs according to Save our Children. 29 killed in Israel, another 33 children killed in the West Bank, and the rest, all those numbers are in Gaza itself, respective. The annual death toll for children in the midst of war worldwide in 2022 was 3,000, and the actual figure in Gaza is probably much higher. There are now over 1,000 children missing amidst the rubble, beneath the homes, destroyed by bombs. Thereâs so much more to say, but Iâm going to leave it there for this moment. I want to welcome you all to The Real News again today. Today, though, Iâm the one being interviewed and have a conversation with my dear friend and editor-in-chief here at The Real News, Max Alvarez.
Max Alvarez:
Marc, thank you so much for doing this, man. I really, really appreciate it. And I just wanted to say for the record, for all of us here at The Real News, itâs been really incredible to watch you work these past few weeks covering this crisis with a kind of depth and humanity that I think is often lacking in so much of our discourse, let alone our media coverage. Even though we are in the midst of truly horrific times, itâs made me really proud to be your colleague once again. I know that our audience, your audience is looking to you right now for wisdom, for perspective, and for guidance, right? Because I think we are all trying to figure out what we can do to stop this slaughter.
And as you so eloquently put it in a recent newsletter that you wrote for our Real News subscribers, I donât want any of these people to die. I want the death to stop. And itâs clear that death will not stop as long as the occupation continues. And I think that is what we have to remain steadfast in that understanding. But I know that weâre also trying to move forward, trying to push for a ceasefire, trying to end Israelâs 75-year occupation of Palestine, the permanent apartheid system, all of that, and the United Statesâ endless military aid to Israel and endless support of apartheid and ethnic cleansing.
But we are also trying to navigate all of that at a moment of deep McCarthyite censorship, political pressures, people getting fired from their jobs for speaking out, losing their ability to pay for their rent, to afford to put food on the table for their kids. YouTube channels, TikTok channels getting disappeared left and right. Thereâs a real worldwide struggle happening right now, and I think a lot of folks are trying to just keep hold of that principled commitment, fighting for human life, fighting to end the violence of occupation and to stop the death drive of endless war. But it can be so easy to get bullied into silence or pulled into partisan discussions that make us lose sight of the human stakes. And that is not what youâve been doing.
As we have been working together along with our great team here at The Real News to cover what is happening in Israel and Palestine, the occupied territories, as much as we can, youâve been interviewing folks on your show, Israelis and people in Israel, Israeli dissidents in the diaspora. You spoke with Yumna Patel of Mondoweiss in the immediate aftermath of the October 7th Hamas-led attacks. She gave a report on the carnage that she and her colleagues were seeing happening in Gaza and beyond. So this is all along preamble to say that Iâve learned a lot watching and listening to your coverage in recent weeks, Chris Hedgesâ coverage, my own coverage. But Iâve also learned a lot watching and listening to your coverage over the years on this issue. And I found myself, over the past few weeks, just really wanting to hear what you think and really seeking your guidance as well. I wanted to start this first by thanking you for letting me once again hop on your show and commandeer your show and interview you.
Marc Steiner:
You are the editor-in-chief after all.
Max Alvarez:
Yeah, itâs still your show, but I love getting to have these conversations with you. I know that in pretty much every single interview that youâve recorded since October 7th, you have asked your guests a version of the same question which is, does this moment that weâre in feel different to you from anything that has come before in the 75-year occupation? I wanted to ask you that question. Where are you right now and what feels different about this moment as someone who, as youâve talked about on the show, youâve made your own journey on the issue of Israel? You have been fighting for peace between Palestinians and Israelis for decades. So I wanted to just sort of ask the big question, how are you doing at this moment? Where are you in terms of understanding where we are and what feels different about this time?
Marc Steiner:
It is a very different time on all kinds of levels, but I think that the ferocity of the counterattack by Israel after the Hamas attack on Israeli settlements and kibbutzim and towns by the Gaza border, the response is just out of proportion. Iâm about to make an analogy I hate doing because one of things that really upset me with anybody else, and we get into this and I get into it but, is when people call the Israelis Nazis. I donât do that. I wonât do that. Itâs not the same, but that doesnât mean itâs not horrendous, not despicable, not wrong, not murder of innocence.
But when I see the kind of devastation thatâs taking place in Gaza, my heart just sinks. I mean, for me personally, itâs like, emotionally I say, whatâs become of us? How did we do this? How can we do this? After a thousand years or more of absolute oppression, people trying to wipe us off the face of the earth, us being Jews, wipe us off the face of the earth, pogroms, holocausts, I mean just across time, and weâre going to do this? It destroys me inside to watch it happen. And I know also that politically, this is a very different moment. You could have the camouflage for a while because so many of the Israeli governments in the past have been labor governments, have been allegedly left governments. Thereâs no mistaking whoâs in power now. People like Smotrich and Ben-Gvir who are literally talking about moving people out, mowing down Palestinians.
Max Alvarez:
Weâre talking about eliminating people.
Marc Steiner:
Yes.
Max Alvarez:
Weâre talking about genocide.
Marc Steiner:
That rhetoric from the very far right, which is seize power in Israel, is frightening. It is a bit about digression, but Iâve been covering rise of the right here for Real News for a while now. And what Iâve realized is that the rise of the right is worldwide and it manifests itself in different ways, and in Israel, itâs taking place.
Max Alvarez:
Mm-hmm. Let me ask you about that because Iâve been thinking about that a lot myself. Because one thing I really want to impress upon anyone whoâs watching wherever you are politically on this issue, or morally on this issue, because itâs all happening so fast, and I think what is both simultaneously exhilarating, as much as it is horrifying, is that from my perspective, here in the US, in the Heart of Empire, as someone who grew up with the kind of propaganda that is across all mainstream corporate media outlets, depicting the Israeli Palestine conflict in such one-sided terms for so long, something is breaking where even ⊠I mean, not everywhere, CNNâs coverage has been absolute dog shit. And itâs been the same as it always is. But, itâs not uniform.
I saw recently on PBS an interview with a scholar of Hamas on the history of Hamas that was like 40 minutes and gave more historical context and perspective than 30 years worth of anything I had ever watched on TV in this country. So I think that thatâs making for a lot of whiplash for Americans who have been lulled into complacency. Your average American, right? I mean, I donât want to give anyone the excuse of not knowing about what has happened for 75 years in Israel-Palestine, but we all have our own journey. And again, a lot of us have only ever gotten one side of it and have just kind of moved on if we continue to care about it at all.
But I think that what Iâm getting at is that Iâve heard from a lot of folks, including folks who watch The Real News or have come to The Real News in recent weeks, that âI had no idea that it was this bad. I had no idea about the violence of the occupation, and now Iâm kind of seeing all of it up front.â And I think that that is playing a huge role in the mass amounts of protests that weâre seeing calls for a ceasefire, calls to end the occupation. Like I said, thereâs that struggle between the sort of Orwellian iron dome of propaganda depicting this from only one side and social media, independent media, people just talking to their neighbors, and now even certain segments of corporate media and public mainstream media breaking that trend.
But anyway, the point that Iâm getting to is that people are learning this background. Theyâre getting a lot of background in a relatively short amount of time, and it can really make your head spin. But you, as you said, youâve been covering on your show here at The Real News for years now, two twin ongoing series, one on the rise of the right, both here in the US and globally, and one called Not In Our Name, which is a series youâve been doing since I started here basically, bringing together a plethora of Jewish voices in and outside of Israel speaking out against the occupation. It feels like thereâs so much in what youâve published on those series that is really essential for us understanding where we are right now. So I wanted to ask you about that, like taking two plus years of recording Not In Our Name before we entered this new phase, and also covering the rise of the right. I mean, the last interview that you did about Israel for the Rise of the Right was about Netanyahuâs government in the context of rising global fascism.
So this is my long-winded way of getting to the question, is that for people who are feeling whiplash and who maybe are buying into the kind of one-sided propaganda and want to support military aid to Israel and so on and so forth, I think we should remember that before October 7th, we were literally talking about Netanyahuâs government in the context of rising global fascism. So we are supporting just billions and billions of dollars more directed straight into a fascist government with high ranking cabinet members who are speaking in genocidal terms, right? So I just wanted to really stress for people watching and listening that you can and should have sympathy for your fellow working people across the globe, your fellow average citizens, many of whom were protesting Netanyahuâs government just weeks ago. You can do that without supporting this increasingly fascistic government. So I wanted to ask you what you think the two years of doing these series, Rise of the Right and Not In Our Name, to try to kind of condense the perspective that youâve gained from doing those series that can help us understand what weâre facing now in Israel?
Marc Steiner:
Let me take a step back first. Before I came here, The Marc Steiner Show was on public radio, and I did a series for years called Voices of the Holy Land, interviewing people in Israel and Palestine from all sides. And I continually had this dialogue going on in my studio with two Jews and two Palestinians talking about where we are. They represented, one was right wing and settler, one was more of a liberal Zionist, and Palestinian business people who I knew who were politically active. I was looking at these notes and some of the things, I save everything, unfortunately, but to see the arc of these conversations. Where we are now is not just a dangerous place for Palestinians and Israelis and for the entire region, but the entire world, this could just explode. This is acutely different. I mean, the amount of bombs that have been dropped on Gaza, a little teeny place, is more than all the bombs in one year last year dropped anywhere in the world-
Marc Steiner:
⊠bombs in one year, last year dropped anywhere in the world. So, this is a fundamentally different time. And something shifted in Israel. It was a combination of the political sickness that the occupiers when they take over a place over the last 75 years. And the fact that many people on the left in Israel have gone, have left. Theyâre in Europe. Theyâre in Germany. Theyâre in France. Theyâre in Britain. Theyâre in the United States. Theyâre gone. Theyâre in Vietnam. Theyâre gone. I mean, when I went to do my documentary in Vietnam 20 years ago I met more Israelis in Hanoi than I did in Baltimore. I mean, they were everywhere. And so the vacuum has been filled by the far right. And also I think that this occupation breeds a level of superiority in peopleâs consciousness that makes it even worse. And I mean, if I sound like Iâm stuttering a little itâs because thereâs so much flowing through my head at the moment. This thing is just really grabbed me more than any other kind of war Iâve experienced since 1956 as a little boy.
Max Alvarez:
Well, can you talk to me a little bit about that journey? Because youâve mentioned this on the show before, but I really just want to, I guess, for people watching and listening to this sort of refresh their memories on how you have your own personal relationship to the question of Israel and how that journey has evolved over the course of your life.
Marc Steiner:
Let me start this way. My fatherâs Jewish. My mother converted to Judaism. She was an English Baptist who drove an ambulance during World War II. Caught my dadâs fancy and I could always understand why. They got married and she became a Jew in part because, so we could be born Jewish. So, then we came from a really pro Zionist home and my grandparents immigrated from Poland. And I may have said this on the air before, if I have you can stop me, but I grew up with a legacy. I grew up with a legacy of what happened to my grandmother. My bubbeh, is Yiddish for grandmother. And the story we always knew that when she was 12 and the Cossacks attacked her village, she was running down the street holding her baby sisterâs hand, who was six years old. The Cossacks lopped off her little sisterâs head as she was running to try to get home. So my sweet little grandmother, gentle creature, this is her legacy.
I grew up with people in my home with numbers in their arms. I knew from a little boy what that meant. Iâd seen the pictures. I knew their stories. I knew who they were. I knew that my cousin Raho, who is the kind of godmother of Israeli family, she fled east and went down through Russia, through Turkey and walked away into Palestine in like 19, I donât know, 10 or something. And so my family from Israel is descended from that.
And the other part of my family came to Israel in the â40s and â50s from Uruguay, especially Uruguay, Part of our family ended up in Montevideo. And my cousin David, was the first violinist in the symphony in Jerusalem, but where the family lived are the kibbutzim that were attacked, Mefalsim, which was the main kibbutz and where South American Jews went. And so we still donât know whoâs dead and alive, and thereâs still somebody saying that some of our relatives are captured. I still donât know if thatâs real or not. And these kibbutzim that were attacked, as I said over and over again, Iâll just say it again anyway, those kibbutzim scene were filled up with people like you and me and people hear at Real News. These were left wing Israelis who said no to the occupation. Theyâre the ones who were attacked. Theyâre the ones who were killed.
And the retaliation meant that friends of mine who were a Palestinian have lost a lot of family and friends, and theyâre my friends and theyâre my family. So this is fundamentally different because this is either going to lead to an amazing peace process, but more than likely itâs going to lead to something a lot worse. Which is pushing Palestinians out of Gaza. I mean, there was a report before we came in this morning by the Intelligence Committee in Israel that was in 972 Plus was an AP a couple of other places. And one I saw it on +972, which is a left-wing, Israeli online magazine journal whoâve been on our airwaves before. There is a report where they have a study, not saying this is what theyâre going to do, but there was a study discovered to push all the Gazans into the Sinai.
Max Alvarez:
Thatâs what it looks like to me. I mean, the Israeli military is leveling Gaza. They are bombing the ever-loving shit out of it. Theyâre telling people to evacuate to the south and then they get hit with bombs. Theyâre telling people to exit through the border in Egypt, and then that gets bombed. I mean, it seems to all watching from afar that the plan is to use this as⊠Iâm not going to use the loaded term final solution, but it is the evolution of the containment of 2.2 million people in the Gaza Strip for the past two decades. It is an evolution into eliminating them either by force or pushing them out.
Marc Steiner:
1.2 million Gaza has been pushed so far out of their homes, destroyed, pushed further into Gaza, closer to the Egyptian border, closer to the northern eastern tip of Sinai. And at the same time inside of Israel, descent is being crushed. I mean, they kicked out the leading communist party Hadash member out of the Knesset for opposing and asking questions about the war. They threw him out of the Knesset, this Israeli democracy everybody kind of says heâs one of the great democracies on Planet Earth if youâre one of us. And this could be the death of the limited democracy because it doesnât include Palestinians in Israel and this could be the death kn of life in Gaza.
Max Alvarez:
For Palestinians at least.
Marc Steiner:
Yes, for Palestinians.
Max Alvarez:
And so I want to return to a phrase that you mentioned about the political sickness that develops in the mind of a settler. But before we get to that, I just wanted to sort of close the loop on the question about your journey on this issue-
Marc Steiner:
I didnât even get to that [inaudible 00:24:10] Iâm sorry. Sorry. [inaudible 00:24:10]-
Max Alvarez:
No. Youâre doing great. Thereâs so much going on and Iâve seen how much this is wearing on you. And amidst all of that, youâre still out there speaking out forcefully. Youâre doing great work here. We all care about you, man, and we are really worried about you and our friends and family across the board, people of Palestinian descent, Jewish folks that we know. We know that this is a horrifying moment for everybody.
But I just wanted to ask from that point in your home, knowing the stories of the Holocaust, having family members sit on your couch at home with numbers on their arms, having that back deep family history. I just wanted to ask, how did you go from that understanding of what Israel meant to you and other Jews in your family to writing those lines that you did for the Real News that you donât want any of these people to die, Israelis or Palestinians, you want the death to stop, and itâs clear it will not stop so long as the occupation continues?
Marc Steiner:
So the turning point was 1967 and the War of â67. Which is when all these Arab armies attacked Israel and Israel pushed them back and ended up seizing the West Bank in Gaza and the Golan Heights. When that war started, I was working for the Washington Free Press. I was a student in the Institute for Policy Studies. I was organizing anti-Vietnam War stuff on campuses around the country. And thatâs what I was doing at the moment. And we used to sit on the steps of the Washington Free Press and listen to the war and cheer every time Israel did something, won. I even went down to the Israeli embassy to see if I could volunteer to go fight in Israel in 1967. This is coming from somebody who was opposing the war and almost went to jail for not going to be Vietnam. I was about send my butt off to Israel to fight.
Then after the war, I started meeting a lot of left-wing Israelis, Zionists and non Zionists, both, left-wing Israelis. I started meeting a lot of Palestinians and things began to shift. And then when I saw that where Israel could have initiated with the Palestinians at that moment the Palestinians wanted it, could have created a binational solution as they could have in â48 but chose not to, and they didnât do it. Things began to really shift and it was a slow turn for me. But that turn, especially when the settlements began, brought me to a point of being an anti-Zionist, which I remained for a long time, and very active in debates and movements all across.
But then I became what I consider now to be a non-Zionist, what the fuck is that?
Max Alvarez:
Took the question right out of my mouth.
Marc Steiner:
Itâs because several things. A, one of the things thatâs important to me at the moment is organizing inside of the community I was born into change peopleâs hearts and minds saying, we have to do something different. We cannot allow ourselves to become this. And to be an anti-Zionist, A, is antithetical to opening peopleâs minds, making them listen. B, my own view of Zionist history is probably different than some other people on the left. Zionism, like Black nationalism in this country, was born out of oppression, was born out of, we got to get out of here, born out of these people just donât want us, they hate us, they want to kill us, we got to do something. And then Zionism had this one front around Theodor Herzl and those people that really was kind of capitalist and centrist.
And then there was another side that were the [foreign language 00:28:41] and all the left-wing Marxist Zionists. Now it sounds like a contradiction, but that was a huge movement. And so the non-Zionist for me is because I think that it has a complex roots. And I will argue with people to say Zionism is racism. I would argue some Zionism is racism. And whatâs happening in Israel now is racist without question. And thatâs whoâs taken over. And sometimes nationalism is an outgrowth of oppression, and thatâs where I think the roots are. Thatâs why I call myself a non-Zionist because I want to move this needle with other people who believe the same way.
Max Alvarez:
I want to pick up on that. And again, ask for your help for all of us who are trying to navigate this, right? Because I think a lot of people are coming from a good place, but thereâs so many contradictions that we need to address head on here. And Iâm going to start with one that you mentioned about the kibbutzim on the Gaza border that were attacked on October 7th. And I think current figures between 1300 and 1400 Israelis slaughtered-
Marc Steiner:
Yep.
Max Alvarez:
Hostages taken. Within Israel it is being compared to 9/11 here in the United States as a national tragedy, a point turning tragedy. And these were civilians. And any attack on civilians, like the attacks that have reigned down upon Palestinians in the Gaza Strip for years is wrong. We should be able to acknowledge that. And I believe you that, and Iâve read a lot of the stories about the folks who were slaughtered in the middle of the night on October 7th, and my heart has broken for them too. Like you, I donât want to see any of these people to die.
And I think what is leading a lot of people, including on the left here in the United States and in the English-speaking West, people donât know how to handle what happened on October 7th. They donât know whether to cheer it on as a righteous retribution for 75 years of violent occupation. They donât know whether to mention it and then quickly mention the disparity between civilian lives lost in Israel compared to Palestine. And so I think that leads some people to avoid it or not mention it or qualify it. And so I want us to tackle this head on because you have a situation like you just described, a concert could be had where people are having-
Max Alvarez:
You just described a concert could be had where people are having fun, people who are young, middle aged, people who have lived full lives, people who are falling in love, falling out of love, people who are pregnant, people who want to have kids, people who are going on with their daily lives. I even found a quote that I want to read in a sec, but just regular people living their lives literally yards away from an open air prison. And so that therein lies the contradiction for people who were trying to understand how to feel about this, because how can you carry on your life and how is it possible to hold those two things together, that people can be regular innocent civilians, not necessarily Netanyahu or Ben-Gvir, but just people like you and me, but theyâre literally living yards away from an open air prison and have been for a while?
So I wanted to read this quote from an October 12th Reuters report that really stuck with me where Maayan Lubell and Emily Rose write, âKafar Aza, one of the kibbutz scene just three kilometers from the Gaza Strip, just three kilometers from the Gaza Strip, was among the communities hit hardest by the Hamas assault on Southern Israel which Israeli officials say has killed at least a thousand people.â Again, this was published on October 12th. âMostly civilians gunned down in their homes on the streets or at a dance festival, Kafar Aza attack survivor, Avidor Schwartzman said he hid with his wife and one-year-old daughter in the safe room of their house for more than 20 hours before being rescued by Israeli soldiers in emerging to confront a scene of âpure hellâ. âThere were bodies everywhere, dead bodies everywhere,â the 38-year-old said. âWe saw our little piece of paradise, our little piece of heaven was totally burnt, burnt and with blood everywhere.’â
Iâve been thinking about that quote for two weeks straight because Iâll be honest like the kibbutz scene there, they look like Southern California. They look like my neighborhoods that I grew up around, and the people there look like people I grew up around. And I believe them when they say that this was our slice of paradise. And I believe in when they say that they just wanted to live their lives.
But again, that is all happening mere yards, if not kilometers away from the greatest humanitarian disaster that weâve seen in our lifetimes. And therein lies the contradiction that we here in the United States are well practiced in. Right?
Marc Steiner:
Mm-hmm.
Max Alvarez:
Because I mentioned that Israel is comparing this to 9/11, and I want people watching this to think about what that means for people in Israel, just for a moment because when we talk about the attacks on 9/11, weâve spent 20 years in this country learning the names and lives of everyone who died on that day.
We know that they were people going to work. They were spouses. They were husbands. They were brothers. They were wives. They were former football players. They were human beings with lives as mundane and normal and innocent in the kind of general sense that weâve all come to acknowledge in this country. Thatâs what Israelis are going through right now in their grieving process. Theyâre looking at people that they see as regular normal human beings who didnât deserve this, who arenât fighting in the military.
Some military personnel died, of course, but a lot of them were not. But again, the contradiction of 9/11 is that you could have regular working people who are not in and of themselves directly responsible for the horrors that the United States has wrought upon the world, and yet we are all living on land that was stolen from indigenous Americans whom we genocided to get rid of.
In a country that was built upon the enslavement of another people at a time when the United States is waging war across the world, overthrowing democratically elected governments, strangling democratic popular movements. So these two things can exist at once. I guess I just wanted to ask you how we navigate that in terms of talking about the tragedy of the civilian deaths on October 7th, not minimizing that, understanding from a human place, why so many people are heartbroken about that, while basically just asking people to like, âYeah, thatâs good. Now care about everyone in that situation. Care as much as you do about the Israelis.â Iâm not telling you not to care about those lost lives, but care as much about the Palestinians, care as much about Ukrainians, Russians, like people who we donât want to die.
Marc Steiner:
One of the things Iâve been doing is when people post the pictures of these Israeli children who were killed in this early attacks by Hamas, I despise Hamas as much as I despise the Israeli government. Iâve been clear about that as they go. I donât like either one of them. I say to people, âWe have to look at those kidsâ faces and mourn them.â Same time, donât show those faces unless you show this much larger photograph of all these Palestinian children whoâve been killed under Israeli bombs. Babies, just like babies. They could be your baby. So you canât separate the two. This has been like a war on children. Itâs been like a war on innocence from the beginning and even magnified now by what Israel has done inside of Gaza with this insane bombing.
Thereâs a lot of interesting twists here. One twist is this attack by Hamas is directly related to the occupation and the violence of the settlers on the West Bank because the Israeli troops were in the West Bank oppressing Palestinians that they control on the West Bank paying no attention to the other border. And that was one of the huge critiques here in terms of inside of Israel. Itâs one of the huge critiques going on at the moment.
Max Alvarez:
A lot of people were saying this was Netanyahuâs fault.
Marc Steiner:
If we were not occupying, and I have a hard time not saying we, but if we were not occupying the West Bank, then this would never have happened. People are going to throw stones at me for saying that. But thatâs reality, I think. And these kibbutz scene that you talked about earlier, so these kibbutz scene were founded in like 1948, â52 after the first war with Egypt and when there was nothing else happening there, and the kibbutz scene was started, which is very different than it is for some people, not for everybody, than the settlements that are on the West Bank where we have now settlers just running amuck in Rampages and what I call our own pogroms against Palestinians in the West Bank.
And that obsession allowed this to happen. Thereâs only one solution. And Iâve said this to people, family and friends oddly enough as a quick digression. I mean, Iâve gotten more phone calls from my Israeli family out of the blue who Iâve not talked to in years. And the only solution to this is a ceasefire has to happen. We must have a ceasefire. Biden and his wimpy way. He comes off as this tough guy all the time. A tough street guy from Delaware. Where the hell is he from? Pennsylvania.
Max Alvarez:
Scranton Joe.
Marc Steiner:
Scranton Joe. Scranton, right. Scranton. Iâm from Baltimore, so we all came from tough steel towns. Okay, fine. So Scranton. If he had the gumption, what he would be doing at this moment and what people in Congress should be doing, but people like Congressman Ruppersberger and Mfume and others in Maryland, what we are trying to push at this moment here is saying in immediate ceasefire. And if you donât agree to a ceasefire, then we freeze all the funds going to Israel. We stop it. Get to the bargaining table for a long, arduous task of finding a way to peace and how we live in coexistence in that place. And C, pouring in the hundreds of millions of dollars, or maybe billions, I donât know it would take to rebuild Gaza, and bring people back to their communities. Thatâs what has to happen. This has just got to end. And thatâs what the American government should be doing.
The American government is the only government on the planet that can end this. Weâre the only ones who can do it, and we have to stop it. People understand what itâs like for the Palestinian families in these cities in Gaza where their family members are under the rubble. I mean, right now theyâre thinking, I said 1,000 going in, maybe more from what I read just before we went on the air. Children that are in that rubble. Theyâre under there. They could be alive.
So what Israel has done to the Palestinians is so grossly over⊠Itâs insane. I mean who drops that amount of bombs on people stuck in a tiny quarter saying, âOh, weâre going up them because theyâre in Hamas. Hamas is hiding among them.â Thatâs the same crap we did in Vietnam. All the VC, the NLF, National Liberation Front, or theyâre living in that village. Letâs destroy that village because the NLF is there, the Viet Cong are there.
And Israel is doing the same thing the Palestinians at this moment. And itâs unconscionable. It canât happen. Also, how the danger with this is that antisemitism in this world runs deep. You would take a lifetime to convince me itâs not. It runs deep. And for the first time in human history, for the first time in the history of Jews being in this world, we are unleashing the antisemitism. Itâs already there because of what this Israeli government has done.
The biggest danger here, at least, and Iâve said this to a couple of other folks in the Zionist world, I said, âWe are creating another Masada, a place in the Bible where Jews died on a hilltop and weâre doing it again. They committed suicide rather than surrendering.â And weâre doing it to ourselves again. This is so intolerable. Again, this government will not do what itâs supposed to do which is to intervene and stop it. The United States has the power to do it.
Max Alvarez:
I wish we could talk for four hours about this because I feel like weâve only just scratched the surface and maybe weâll have to do a part two of this because thereâs so much to talk about there. Why is the US doing this? Why is Biden when⊠So much of the rest of the world is opposed to this. And the US, as always is like, âNo, weâre going to go with our version. We are going to continue to support Israel with as many military provisions as possible. Billions of dollars, blank check.â There is an existential⊠I mean, Biden even said years ago that if Israel didnât exist, weâd have to create it. Right?
Marc Steiner:
Right.
Max Alvarez:
I mean, so there is a geopolitical larger discussion that unfortunately we donât have time to get into now of why the US is and has always been so deeply invested in maintaining Israelâs apartheid state. But I wanted to just, because we got to wrap this up in a minute, I wanted to meditate on the sort of existential question of Americans also needing to support Israel. Why is it that even though we are seeing unprecedented resistance in the US and globally to the violence of occupation, calls for a ceasefire. The Pope was just calling for a ceasefire yesterday, and yet most Democrats in this goddamn country canât even bring themselves to do that.
But amidst all of this, there are still obviously a lot of people in this country who do want to continue to support Israel, who do believe that Israel is being attacked by these sort of invading hoards of less than human brown people who need to be kept at bay, if not totally wiped off the face of the earth. And Iâve been thinking about that, wondering why people hold so tightly onto Israel. Americans specifically as someone who grew up very conservative, who also believed in that⊠As for the first 18 years of my life, I just accepted it as part of the national narrative. And I donât want to get too Freudian here, but I guess as someone who talks to working Americans every week, and when these conversations come up, I try to understand where people are coming from. I genuinely feel like there is a sort of existential projection onto Israel where the US, again, a successful settler colonial state that was founded upon the genocide and dispossession of indigenous Americans and the enslavement of African-Americans, so on and so forth.
A settler colonial nation that cannot deal with its own crimes refuses to ever really reckon with its own crimes and sees in Israel a sort of means for cleansing our lingering colonial guilt. In fact, I would go so far as to say that former colonial empires everywhere are in some deep recesses of their minds see in Israel a chance to redeem the whole colonial project, right? Even after a 20th century of decolonization and resistance to the project of taking over someone elseâs land, taking over their-
Marc Steiner:
⊠of taking over someone elseâs land, taking over their government, killing their people, controlling it for your own purposes, creating a new nation out of what existed there already. It feels like in Israel we have this final holdout of absolution that we need to have in place in order to justify our continued existence. And with that settler colonial nation of Israel coming out of the Holocaust, like you said, you have the best chance youâre going to get for a good settler colonial project, for a justifiable colonial project. And yet even as descendants of the Holocaust, you cannot have a settler colonial project without genocide, and we are seeing that now. Iâm being told to pause for one sec. Iâll pause. Theyâre going to make it two parts. I mean, thereâs so many contradictions here, so many.
I mean, you have in the United States, the Evangelical Christian right. They love Israel. They hate Jews, but they love Israel because Israel is the embodiment of what the future can be. And Jews, they see us as the forward guard that can get wiped out, but save the rest of the earth for all the good Christians to take over the holy land. Itâs because we see also Israel, I think in American black and white terms. Israelâs racial situation is really different than this country. As a matter of fact, some of the most right-wing elements in Israel are made up of the Jews from Africa and Asia who dislike the countries they used to live in, in the Muslim world. So thereâs all kinds of contradictions wrapped up in that, all kinds of contradictions. I mean, people donât realize that Israel got very little money from this country until 1956.
But after that war, most of the money coming in for the army, for the military, for the most came from France, came from England, came from other places, did not come from the US. Then the US exploded with aid to secure that for lots of reasons, oil being among them. So I mean, and because I think Israel is perceived as white by most of the world and by most people here, they want it saved. You canât let these white people die, and itâs much more complex than that. And I think that this is blown up in the Westâs face. Nobody was expecting this. No one was. Israeli intelligence didnât expect this stuff. US intelligence clearly did not expect this stuff. Nobody expected this to happen. Hamas hit them when they were not looking.
And so theyâre scrambling to figure out how to save this moment because they were on the verge of building this alliance between Israel and Egypt and Saudi Arabia to solidify strategically the Middle East in alignment of the West for resources and more, and to budget themselves against Iran and any potential influence from China or Russia. And they were on the cusp of that at this moment. People arenât writing and talking about that, and then all a sudden, boom, Hamas attacks, all the shit is done. Itâs upside down. They donât know what to do. They donât know how to end it. They canât say to Israel, âYou have to stop.â They canât say that. It could be one we talked about earlier, but they wonât do that. I think that is the crux of where we find ourselves now. This is a very dangerous, volatile moment for the entire planet.
And I think people really have to understand this is beyond⊠I donât think this is going to happen, but it could happen. Supposing Iran and some other countries decide enough is enough. Weâre going in to help the Palestinians. Then what? Israel has a nuclear bomb, nuclear bombs. It has nuclear capabilities. We forget that. We donât bring that to the equation of what weâre facing in the Middle East and that could pull Saudi Arabia into supporting Israel. I mean, weâre in a very insane moment, and itâs no telling how this will end. And it may end really badly, and we can take it back to America for just one minute. And Iâll let you read. But we can read to conclude our conversation is that thereâs a growing movement in this country among younger Jews, which I think is really important. Itâs not just because I was raised Jewish, and Iâm Jewish that I say this, Iâm saying this because critical to ending our subservience to what Israel wants is a larger and larger body of Jews saying, âNo, not in our name. No.â
And itâs really hard because antis runs deep and youâre talking about people are aware that Israeli is going to get wiped off the face of the earth, and thatâs our family. Itâs really a complex moment. But I think that we really have to do everything in our power to organize and push our government and people in this country to demand an end to the war, a ceasefire, negotiations and building a new Middle East. We have to begin to demand that. And thatâs what these demonstrations have been about. Thatâs why next Saturday youâre going to be in Washington DC, why next Saturday, Iâm going to be in Washington DC. Because we have to say that. Itâs one of the reasons Iâm speaking at churches all across the metropolitan area. Why Iâm talking to congressmen from our metropolitan areas is because we have to say, âYouâve got to stop this. Thereâs got to be another way. We cannot allow this to happen.â
Max Alvarez:
Well, and on that point, like you said, I wanted to read this passage that really struck me. This is from Ghada Karmiâs book, One State: the Only Democratic Future for Palestine and Israel. Because it just struck me that⊠And this was written obviously and published before October 7th, 2023. And yet in the opening pages, she cites an example from 1956 that rings very true. It rings very similar to what weâre watching now in the discourse around the October 7th attacks.
Marc Steiner:
By the mythic hero.
Max Alvarez:
Whatâs that?
Marc Steiner:
By the mythic hero.
Max Alvarez:
By the mythic hero, Moshe Dayan.
Marc Steiner:
Moshe Dayan.
Max Alvarez:
Right. And so Moshe Dayan as Ghada Karmi cites in this book, so Iâll just read the quote and then I want to get your thoughts. And yeah, you close this out. But the quote speaks to again, that line that you said, âThat the violence will not end. The death will not end so long as the occupation continues because the logic of occupation, which we are seeing play out now, is eliminate the other people who are there, so we can have our state.â That is the only solution and if we want to talk about what the opposite looks like, returning Palestinians to their homeland, which needs to fucking happen. But itâs also, like you said on a recent live stream, itâs like youâre not going to get rid of everyone whoâs there, Jew or non-Jew, unless thereâs genocide happening. So what do we do? How do we create a state system that does not allow Israel to have⊠In terms of the question, does Israel have a right to exist, as an apartheid ethnostate?
No, it doesnât have a fucking right to exist. No one should have that right to exist, to do what Israelâs doing. So as you put it so frequently and so well, how do we create a solution where people can actually live together and not one subjugated under the other or one being eliminated by the other? And Israelis have known this from the beginning, that this is going to be the perpetual lip of the volcano that theyâre living on so far as they are occupying and settling and clearing the land that belonged to Palestinians. So this brings me to the quote from Ghada Karmiâs One State where she writes, âMoshe Dayan, Israelâs chief of staff, many years later, reiterates these same ideas in a different kind of way. Speaking in 1956 at the funeral of a young Israeli killed by an Arab infiltrator near the Egyptian frontier, he said, âlet us not today fling accusations at the murderers.’â
ââWho are we that we should argue against their hatred For eight years now, they sit in their refugee camps in Gaza, and before their very eyes, we turned into our homestead, the land and the villages in which they and their forefathers have lived. We are a generation of settlers. And without the steel helmet and the cannon, we cannot plant a tree and build a home. Let us not shrink back when we see the hatred fermenting and filling the lives of hundreds of thousands of Arabs who sit all around us, let us not avert our gaze so that our hands shall not slip. This is the fate of our generation, the choice of our life to be prepared and armed, strong and tough, or otherwise the sword will slip from our fist and our life will be snuffed out.’â
And Karmi continues, âIf Dayan had had foresight, he might have added that it was not just his generation, but also all subsequent Israeli generations who would have to continue this tough stance or else have their lives âsnuffed outâ. For the central issue confronting Israel has always been how to stem the tide of opposition to its existence.â Israelis have known that you cannot take this land, push people off of it, keep the people who are still here under a permanent apartheid system, keep Gazans in an open air prison for decades without that violence inevitably boiling over. That is the perpetual arms race here. And I think thatâs what you were getting at, that the death would not stop so long as this occupation continues. So with the final minutes we have, please give me your thoughts and close this out.
Marc Steiner:
Iâll make this quick. First of all, this was written in 1956. This is before the occupation. Those places, the West Bank was part of Jordan and Gaza was part of Egypt. A different moment. The occupation changed everything. The occupation laid open, the contradictions Of Moshe Dayanâs statement. The occupation also we hope is the seed of hope for change. We canât separate out of here. Weâre not going anywhere. The Palestinians are home. This is their home. So you read this quote now, this was 1956. This is 2023. This is 75 years after the occupation has begun. But at any rate, what Iâm saying is that all the contradictions heâs talking about here in this quote is whatâs coming to the fore at the moment. The occupation has to end. There has to be a ceasefire, and people have to force a negotiation to create a different future, which can be had.
Max Alvarez:
Thank you, Mark.
Marc Steiner:
Thank you. Weâll be covering this for a while. This is Mark Steiner, here at the Mark Steiner Show. I want to thank my dear friend and colleague, Max Alvarez, for turning the tables and being here with us for this conversation. And I want you all to write to me at [email protected]. Let me know what you thought about todayâs conversation and how you want us to cover whatâs going on in Israel, among Palestinians in the Middle East. We are going to push this, bring more people in, and your ideas are really important. For Max Alvarez sitting over here, David Hebden behind the glass, and everybody here at The Real News, Iâm Mark Steiner, take here and stay in touch.
Source: Therealnews.com